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ADDRESS 



TWO-HUNDRED AND FIFTY-EIGHTH ANNIVERSARY 



Iknting of tijt ||0pljam C0l0ng. 



HON. JAMES W. PATTERSON. 



S^spansiMIitics of lljc i0Utitrers of gepublks : 



AN 



ADDRESS 

\ 

ON THE 

PENINSULA OF SABINO, 

®ii % Stoo-f imbni anb Jiflj-tij^ffe g.iirafersar2 

OF THE 

PLANTING OF THE POPHAM COLONY, 

Aug. 29, 18G5. 



By HON. JAMES W. PATTERSON. 



DELIVERED AND PUBLISHED AT THE REQUEST OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE 
COMMEMORATION. 



^ BOSTON: 
JOHN K. WIGGIN. 
1865. 



lEliition, Zba |l|uttlirctr anH JFiftg Copies. 



CAMBUIDQE : PRESS OP JOU.V WILSOiV AND SONS. 






INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 



The " Boston Post " of August 31, 1865, contained the 
following : — 

FORT POPHAM, MAINE. 

The 2b^th Anniversary of the Landing of George PojJiam. 

TllE AXXIVERSAKY EXEUCISES. 

The celebration was quite largely attended, the numbers pro- 
bably reaching about four thousand. Conveyances by steamers 
and barges carried the multitude to and fi*om the Fort, both from 
Portland and Bath. Fort Popham was reached about eleven 
o'clock ; and, at twelve, the assemblage gathered in front of the 
" Ocean House," where the exercises of the day were to take place. 
Hon. B. C. Bailey, of Bath, called the meeting to order, and 
nominated, as President of the day, Hon. Charles J. Oilman, of 
Brunswick. The President took his place upon the platform, 
accompanied, among others, by Hon. E. E. Boui*ne, President of 
the Maine Historical Society ; John A. Poor, Esq. ; Rev. Leonard 
Woods, D.D., President of Bowdoin College ; and Hon. Mr. Pat- 
terson, of New Hampshire, Orator of the day. 

Rev. A. D. Wheeler, D.D., of Topsham, then offered prayer. 

After the prayer, Hon. Charles J. Oilman, the President of the 
day, addressed the meeting as follows. 

SPEECH OF CHARLES J. OILMAN. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, — It will be remembered by many 
present to-day, that we were assembled here three years ago for 
the first time ; and it was a curious question then to many, and it 



is a question now, as to the real import of this celebration. The 
salient point of American Colonization before this, was Ply- 
mouth. All our hopes seemed to be set there ; all our aspirations 
seemed to take origin in that spot. Now, it will be understood on 
this occasion, and on all similar occasions in future, that it is not 
the design of the Popham celebration to transport Plymouth Rock 
to this spot ; neither to underrate the eiforts of the early settlers of 
Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay, or of those of Lord Baltimore, 
at Baltimore, or of the settlements of Jamestown in Virginia. Nor 
is this the arena to prove that Puritanism is better than Episcepa- 
liauism, or that Episcopalianism is better than Puritanism. We 
do not propose that this is to be the sign of a conflict betAveen 
Episcopacy and Puritanism ; but we do say, that there is an his- 
torical record, and that record is founded on truth, and with truth 
we propose to deal. 

After the discovery of America by Columbus, various enter- 
prises were set on foot for the occupation of the Atlantic shores of 
this continent. A long interval, however, elapsed before any pur- 
poses were accomplished, having i-eference to the settlement of the 
region now known as New EngUind. Petitions had been made to 
the Crown of England as early as 1574, for measures to be allowed 
tending to secure the possession of the northern parts of North 
Amci'ica. In 1578, Elizabeth granted a charter to Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert, embracing a large territory, the central portion of which 
appears to have been Nova Scotia. The loss of the charter by 
lapse to the Crown followed the cessation of occupancy ; and, in 
consequence of the loss of the patentee (Gilbert) by shipwreck, 
the Crown was left at liberty to make a new grant. Several expe- 
ditions followed, under Gosnold, 1602 ; Pryng, 1603 ; and George 
Weymouth, in 1605 ; in all of which, the evidence shows that the 
mind, means, and energy of Sir Ferdinando Gorges were specially 
concerned. 

The French government was at the same time eager to secure 
a title to the lauds in the New World ; and, in 1603, gave a patent 
to the De Monts, covering the region from the 40° of latitude to 
New Brunswick; and, in 1604, the De Monts made a voyage for 
exploration and occupancy. But the great event which determined 
the title to our laud, and gave permanent direction to its coloniza- 
tion by the Anglo-Norman race with English laws and institutions. 



Avas the charter of James I., in 160G, which granted to seven per- 
sons, and among them the "worthy" George Popham, the territory 
in North America between the degrees of 34 and 45 north latitude, 
extending one hundred miles inland. In this royal charter we find 
the foundation of the title of the English of that day, and their 
descendants since, to the New World. The first colonizing act 
under this charter was the settlement of Jamestown, Virginia, 
May 13, 1G07. The second colony followed in the same year, and 
took possession Aug. 19 (O.S.), 1607, corresponding to Aug. 29 
(N.S.). The leaders were George Popham and Raleigh Gil- 
bert, men of long experience, and " as noble and gallant command- 
ers as ever walked a quarter-deck, and worthy the command of an 
expedition of so grand an import." The enterprise was watched 
with deep and untiring interest by its patrons at home. The prin- 
ciples apparent in the charter and in the laws for the guidance of 
the colony were such as warranted the expectations of a new 
world, where civilization and Christianity should, in coming ages, 
have their permanent home ; and though the shores of the Ameri- 
can side of the Atlantic were rock-bound, and their interior forests 
undisturbed except by the Indian hunter, yet the eye of hope saw 
them peopled with a prosperous population, and a new government 
arising under which the soil should produce abundant wealth. 
The French nation never had any possessions Avest of the Kenne- 
bec ; and the fact of English occupancy seems to have been one of 
the causes, if not the only cause, why the French government did 
not assert the authority in this part of the country, as was claimed 
in the charter to De Mont. But they did claim the Eastern region, 
and wars followed ; and Pemaquid, occupied and fortified by the 
English, became a subject of dispute between the nations. Hos- 
tilities continued, with intervals of peace, till the capture of Quebec 
in 1759, and the treaty of Paris in 1763. Thus the charter of 
James, issued April 10, 1606, was the foundation of North- Ameri- 
can greatness. It was grounded on the right of occupation and 
exploration previous to the charter under Gilbert, Gosnold, and 
Weymouth. It was confirmed by the occupation of this spot by 
Popham, and of Argall at Mount Desert, Francis Popham at 
Pemaquid, Richard Vines at Saco, and others at Monhegan, as 
Avell as at Plymouth. It was for ever confirmed by successful 
war and the treaty of Paris in 1763. A strong proof of the early 



6 



occupation of Pemaquid by the English, for purposes of commer- 
cial pursuits and profits, is found in the " Jesuite Relations," where 
it is shown that the English were in the habit of coming every 
year to Pemaquid to provide themselves with fish for winter use. 
They heard, in 1G13, of the establishment of the French on Mount 
Desert ; and their commander, Samuel Argall, changed his course 
thither for the purpose of claiming the territory under the charter 
of James I., issued six years before. From this we learn, that, 
in 1G13, the English claimed a right at Pemaquid, and they used 
it for shelter and commerce ; and their habit of coming there 
every year will carry the occupancy back as far as the five years 
since the Popham colony ceased. The Popham colony may have 
failed as a commercial enterprise ; but, in its historical influence, it 
was one of the steps in the grand onward march of civilization. 

The discovery by Cabot, in 1497, gave a knowledge of our 
shores; De Mont, in 1605, was upon our shores; Champlain was 
here in 1604, and has, in his Avritings, given us a thorough survey 
of the discoveries here made. 

In 1607, here was a representative form of organized govern- 
ment ; here was punishment of crime ; and here Avere the germi- 
nating principles of that system of government now overshadowing 
the continent under which we now live and thrive. Popham 
planted and colonized here ; and it is owing to this fact that we 
have the Anglo-Norman rather than the French elements of civil- 
ization on these Eastern shores. 

Mr. Gilman concluded by introducing the Orator of the day. 



ADDRESS. 



This is hallowed ground. The Imes of an eventful 
history, stretching through more than two centuries 
and a half, converge to this beautiful promontory of 
Sabino. Here, by " the most excellent and benefi- 
cyall river of Sagadahoc," sleep the ashes of George 
Popham, the companion of Raleigh, and the vener- 
able leader of the first colony of New England, whose 
charter was maintained amid the many grants and 
revocations of that mutable age of adventure, and 
w^hich England pleaded, as the legal evidence of a 
priority of right, against the counter-claims of France 
and Spain. In the quaint but touching language of 
Gorges, " he was well stricken in years, and had long 
been an infirm man. Howsoever, heartened by hope, 
willing he was to die in acting something that might 
be serviceable to God, and honorable to his country." 
This massive and splendid structure, that frowns 
upon the sea, reared by the genius and skill of mili- 
tary science, at once a mausoleum and a fortress, 
shall preserve alike the memories of the dead and 
the liberties of the living.* 

It is meet that you, the children of this noble and 

* Fort Popham. 



8 



magnificent State, should gather year by year, from 
your prolific fields and opulent marts, at this spot, to 
pay a tardy but fitting tribute to the adventurous and 
enterprising men who disembarked from the fragile 
" Gift of God " and the " Mary and John," two hun- 
dred and fifty-eight years ago, and, kneeling beneath 
the shadows of Seguin, dedicated this broad inheri- 
tance of their offspring to a free commerce, a free 
church, and a free state. 

Though a sphit of adventure and a lust for gold 
entered largely into most of the voyages for discovery 
or colonization during the seventeenth century, un- 
questionably the settlement at Sagadahoc in 1607, 
which Gorges says was subsequently broken up, had 
its origin in commercial enterprise, fostered and di- 
rected by the lucrative fisheries upon our coast. The 
impelling motive was an honorable desire to increase 
the wealth and enlarge the dominion of the English 
people. 

The colonists of 1620 encountered the hazards of 
a stormy sea, and the greater dangers of the wilder- 
ness, from the exalted desire to found an asylum in 
which they and their faith should be free from the 
restraints and persecutions of the father-land. The 
stern and indomitable will imparted by religious 
enthusiasm maintained an unbroken continuity of the 
Plymouth settlement with the subsequent history of 
the country. 

The rival claims of these respective colonies I leave 
to be settled by the research of the masters of history. 



9 



If my purpose were not to-day to treat of the respon- 
sibilities rather of the living than the dead actors of 
history, I would not presume to strike the balance of 
evidence in the friendly controversy in respect to 
priority of birth which a natural pride has raised 
between " the beautiful mother and her more beau- 
tiful daughter." But permit me to remark in pass- 
ing, that, in all such discussions, we do well to bear 
in mind that the connections of history, though some- 
times material, are largely invisible and moral, and 
lie within the region of thought, memory, and emotion. 
Failure is often the necessary antecedent to success, 
and defeat begets the spirit which ensures victory. 
The want of success in the expeditions sent to Port 
Royal and Roanoke did not discourage and frustrate 
colonization ; but rather, by obstructing, increased the 
head and force of public opinion to such an extent as 
to overcome all obstacles, and to secure the permanent 
settlement and final possession of the continent. The 
fearful disasters of our late conflict were, through 
their influence in uniting public sentiment and 
arousing the popular heart, the necessary antece- 
dents to our magnificent victories and glorious tri- 
umphs. The gratitude and the honors of the nation 
are due to those who struggled against defeat at 
Bull Run, as well as to those who upheld the vic- 
torious banners of the Republic on the bloody field 
of Gettysburg. 

The developments of history arc as natural and as 
necessary as those of nature. Each plant and tree, 

2 



10 



each insect and animal, " after its kind," unfolds, in 
endless variety of beauty and strength, to the devout 
student, the fixed thought and creative activity of God 
in nature. An invariable sequence of cause and effect 
makes a science of nature possible, and enhances our 
power over its results with the extension of our know- 
ledge of its laws. So too, in the progress of society, 
the connection of antecedent and result is equally uni- 
form and certain, and, when we have discovered the 
line of its march amid the wide range of its com- 
plicated facts, we are able to trace the sublime and 
irresistible movements of Him " who works within 
us to will and to do of his own good pleasure," 
and will work till the golden promise of the ages is 
reahzed. 

This invariable connection between moral forces 
and social results makes the successive stages of civ- 
ilization a development from the past, and connects 
the generations of men in indissoluble bonds of 
gratitude and responsibility. In it prophecy becomes 
possible, and is, to the eye of faith, but history unful- 
filled. If civilization, as some have affirmed, was the 
accidental resultant of uncontrolled facts and forces, 
it would be difficult to comprehend how, in the long 
run, there could be any progress of society such as 
history establishes. Human destiny, in time at least, 
would be a mystery more insoluble than the Sphynx's 
riddle, and the lofty incentives to noble effort and 
heroic action would be lost in the uncertainty and 
aimlessness of the organic life of communities. The 



11 



march of ideas, the enlargement of the domain 
of knowledge, the improvement in the civil institu- 
tions and social condition of man, witnessed in every 
age, are not the fortunate outgrowth of accidents. 
The operations of chance are without method or uni- 
formity. 

Neither is this unbroken advance of the human 
mind from the rude civilization of the infant world, 
through the aesthetic but sensuous culture of the old 
Greek, to our higher intellectual and spiritual con- 
dition, the development of a blind fatalism. It is the 
majestic evolution of an intelligent forethought which 
sees the end from the beginning, and works out its 
purposes without limiting human activity or invading 
the domain of its responsibility. 

The causes which operate to produce the progress 
of society are not absolute and efficient, but motive 
causes existing in the condition of society itself; and 
hence the responsibility of each generation to those 
who come after them. But the great body of motive 
power, which we sometimes denominate the spirit of 
the age, and which determines the mental activity 
and achievements of a people, is not the same in the 
nineteenth as in the fifth century, — is not the same 
in New England as in China ; and neither the volition 
nor the activity of man can make them the same, any 
more than they can turn back the Gulf Stream to 
its source, or change its drops of water to a tide of 
glittering pearls. The planets are impelled in their 
orbits by the power of a mutual attraction which they 



12 



cannot resist ; so man is borne forward by the current 
of civilization which his own free activity has created, 
but cannot arrest or divert. Blind conservatism and 
arbitrary power, though baffled at every stage, have 
wrangled against the progress of man, and stained 
his path with blood in every epoch ; and still he ad- 
vances. 

It is this inseverable connection of the present with 
the future, and the certainty that the vindication of 
truth and the establishment of justice will lift man to 
a more exalted condition of civil and moral life, 
which justify the unmixed horrors of war, and make 
labor and sacrifice the highest duty and loftiest ser- 
vice of a Christian patriot. 

He who governs in nature by a system of laws 
has not sundered the connection between cause and 
effect in the higher sphere of intelligent moral action, 
where the finite approaches, and seems to blend with 
the infinite ; has not left man, wayward in his affec- 
tions, and hence misguided by his will, to an aimless 
existence, the mere sport of accident ; but moves 
through the ages, shaping their events for the con- 
summation of designs supremely wise and beneficent. 
That development is absolute progress ; and its law, 
as applied to governments, is the profoundest political 
philosophy. 

To deduce from the infinite chaos of misrule and 
right government, of malignant war and benignant 
peace, of misfortune and prosperity, of misery and 
happiness, with which society has heaved and swayed 



13 



through the lapse of centmies, the principles which 
have determined the conditions and characteristics of 
different nationalities ; to clearly set forth a theory 
of government founded upon the absolute rights of 
man, and under which he will attain to the highest 
social and moral development, — is the work of a 
sound political philosophy. 

Profound study and meditation, in this most difficult 
of all sciences, give to the statesman the wisdom and 
marvellous forecast of a Richelieu or of a Burke. 
A sciolist, familiar with the shibboleths of party, may 
navigate the quiet currents of politics ; but the work 
of laying governmental foundations and of organic 
legislation demands comprehensive knowledge, and 
something of the prophetic genius displayed by Madi- 
son and Hamilton in our own Convention of 1787. 
The great crises in human affairs which come natu- 
rally, though by the ordination of Providence, will be 
directed at last by the men, however belittled at the 
time, whom the future will discover to have been spe- 
cially fitted to be leaders and lawgivers in the exodus 
from a cramped and partial system of institutions to 
one full of the promise and wealth of a higher devel- 
opment. 

The teachings of inspiration confirm the revelations 
of national experience. " Whatsoever a man soweth, 
that shall he also reap." This finds illustration in 
every phase of the organic life of a people. It is the 
most terse and comprehensive generalization of the 
great law of human progress to be found in language, 



14 



and rests upon the authority of Him who spoke cen- 
tral truths in the philosophy of life, which transcend 
the loftiest utterances of Plato. 

The seed which one generation scatters must bear 
.its legitimate harvest in the institutions, the fortunes, 
the social conditions, and moral life of another. Men 
cannot, if they would, shuffle off their responsibilities 
to the future. They are as inevitable as their shad- 
ows. Pre-eminently is this true of the founders of 
nations. I use the word nation rather than gov- 
ernment, because it comprehends not only the con- 
stitution and laws which are the framework of civil 
power, but the sentiments, the spirit, the education, 
the religion, — all those peculiarities in the character 
and condition of a" people which give them a distinct 
nationality. Government, it is readily admitted, is 
the chief element in the more comprehensive idea of 
a nation, for all history teaches, that civil institutions 
though unable to meet the profounder wants of man, 
deterniine largely his intellectual growth, his social 
condition, and spiritual development. 

The strength and reach of the influence of prin- 
ciples, when embodied in national laws and insti- 
tutions, may be gathered from any epoch of history. 
Art and life, — indeed, what are they but the ideas of 
men crystallized into things and deeds ? The im- 
provements, the culture, the learning, the civilization 
of an age, are but the accumulated resultant of the 
thought of the present and past generations, corrected 
and systematized by experience. The spirit of a 



15 



people, too, though exerting a reciprocal influence 
upon their institutions, is itself the outgrowth of those 
institutions. The ordinances of Lycurgus, by which 
Spartan youth were educated at the expense and 
under the direction of the government, — by which 
all the interests, the person, and the life itself of the 
citizen were made subordinate to the welfare of the 
State, — entirely transformed the spirit and social 
organization of the people, and created a military 
power, which, sweeping the Peloponnesus, humbled 
the pride of Athens at the very gates of that proud 
home of eloquence and philosophy, and, shaping 
the course of Greek history, permanently affected the 
political condition of the world. The dogma of the 
Koran, that the Mohammedan faith must be propa- 
gated by the sword, and the promise of a Paradise of 
sensuous pleasures to the followers of Allah who 
might fall in the cause of the Prophet, covered the 
half of two continents with the desolations of war, 
and caused the fair fields of Spain to smoke with the 
blood of Christian and Moor for eight centuries. 

If we reflect for a little upon the state of European 
society as it existed at a later day, and measurably 
even in our own time, we discover that the want, the 
intellectual and moral degradation, and nameless mis- 
eries of the masses ; the laggard march of popular 
industry and trade ; the slow increase of capital and 
the tardy development of ideas ; the perpetual unrest 
and upheavals of society, — were the legitimate fruits 
of false and vicious systems of government, which 



16 



made the welfare of the people subordinate to the 
interests of the State. 

" The State ! I am myself the State," said Louis 
Fourteenth ; and he but expressed, with honest brev- 
ity, the essential idea of absolute monarchy, which 
rests its claim to power upon the gratia Dei, and 
repudiates all responsibility to the nation. 

The principle of fear shapes the polity of abso- 
lutism, and is the paramount motive to obedience 
with the subject. The unavoidable result is an arbi- 
trary and oppressive administration of power, which 
engenders national ignorance, stolidity, cowardice, 
and selfishness. The pleasures of vice supplant the 
noble enjoyments of the mind, and the spirit of 
society becomes slavish and morally depraved. En- 
terprise and thrift perish for want of motive ; and the 
springing asphations of youth, like the heart of Pro- 
metheus, are consumed by the vultures of despair. 
The currents of progress fall into eddies, advancing 
only by spasmodic and convulsive movements. At 
length, the yearning instincts of men force them into 
rebellion against the unendurable oppression, and the 
red-handed genius of revolution stalks like a scourge 
of God through the kingdom, piling its battle-fields 
with mangled victims whose blood cries to God for 
vengeance. The people, freed from their tyrant, but 
too ignorant for self-government, irresolute and help- 
less, fall back to play the bloody carnival of a reign 
of terror, till some demon of the storm lures the 
exhausted nation, by the pomp and glitter of military 



17 



glory, back into the " Serbonian bog" of despotism, 
from which they must again emerge through the 
smoke of battle. Is not this a truthful picture of the 
experience of France and Italy, nay, of continental 
Europe, drawn from the records of history ? 

The free constitution and liberties of England, too, 
have been wrested from power, unlimited by law and 
absolute in practice, by a series of stern struggles in 
Parliament and Court, by arms and press, stretching 
from the gift of the great charter at Runnymede to 
the last national approbation of a liberal policy, sealed 
by the vote of the people whose ppeans of victory 
may even now be heard ringing along our shores. 
Nor have the rights of the governed been wrested 
from the grasp of tyrants once only, but time and 
again have they been rescued, when royal arts and 
arbitrary power would override and trample them 
down, by a people constant to resist unto death the 
invasion of their privileges. 

What have not the liberties of England cost ? and 
yet her lowest operatives might covet to-day the free- 
dom and condition of the sleek, well-fed studs of 
blooded steeds in the stables of her nobility. 

Such is the unbroken record of irresponsible sov- 
ereignty. " A system so bad," says Lord Brougham, 
" that the best disposition on the part of those who 
administer it could not make its burden tolerable to 
the community ; but calculated at the same time to 
eradicate all good intentions in the rulers and privi- 
leged orders, and foster the prejudices and propensi- 

3 



18 



ties most hurtful to their own character, and most 
unhappy for their fellow-citizens." It learns nothing 
by experience, and yields to nothing but necessity. 
The demands for salutary reformations .which might 
perpetuate the government by transforming it into a 
solid and useful system of civil polity, it scorns to 
heed, and, with blind defiance, invites the terrific 
sweep of popular revolutions. 

An autocracy is an organism of selfishness, which, 
from its nature, must become more exclusive and ar- 
bitrary with age. But, if it never changed, man's 
growth in ideas and capacity, and consequent wants, 
would render it a cruel and unyielding frame, within 
which his spirit would chafe, and his misery become 
complete. This iron harness of oppression must be 
broken and cast off, or all progress ceases, and the 
nation becomes enslaved, I would not charge home 
upon the founders of an autocracy all the evils which 
spring from its existence, for, in the rude beginnings 
of a people, monarchy may be necessary as a matrix 
within which the culture and discipline necessary to 
organize and sustain a plan of self-government may be 
produced. But he who would not labor wisely to 
remove it as soon as man is prepared for something 
better ; he who would engraft any slip of the accursed 
tree upon the institutions of a people who may safely 
enjoy the franchises of liberty, — deserves the glory 
and the reward of him who would — 

" Pour the sweet milk of concord into hell, 
Uproar the universal peace, confound 
All unity on earth." 



19 



Government is an experimental science, and its 
fundamental principles are reached through manifold 
errors and failures. The world is the grand labora- 
tory within which men have been testing, during all 
time, by an experimentum cruets, withont a figure of 
speech, the successive theories of statesmen and phi- 
losophers. 

Political equality, and the inalienable right to life, 
liberty, and the conditions of happiness, the first 
truths in any system of national self-government, 
though sometimes foreshadowed in the utterances of 
men of such mould as the poet-statesman of the Puri- 
tan era of English history, come slowly to the ap- 
prehension of the unlettered masses of the mother 
continent. 

When the great Cromwell fell, mark with what 
pliant submission the lion-hearted and iron-handed 
men who had conquered at Marston Moor and Naseby 
suffered absolutism to resume its lost dominion in the 
person of the weak and licentious Charles, and, over- 
riding constitution and laws, to flaunt its usurped pre- 
rogatives in their faces with a superlative audacity and 
corruption of regal power that must have tempted the 
great protector to repass the portals of the tomb, and 
drive the lascivious hirelings from the temple of Eng- 
lish liberties. That people knew not what they lost. 

To-day the birth-rights of men are ignored on more 
than half the globe. Children suck slavery and mis- 
ery with their mother s milk, and wear them in their 
hearts to the grave. 



20 



It not unfrequently happens, in the grand march of 
events, that the Providence of history overrules the 
wrath of oppression to the furtherance of the interests 
of freedom. The restrictions and monopoUes which 
crippled home industry and trade, and the arbitrary 
encroachments upon civil and religious liberty which 
at last drove the Roundheads into rebellion, and reared 
the commonwealth upon the ruins of the monarchy, 
pushed out, during the first half of the seventeenth 
century, those numerous expeditions which resulted 
in planting along our seaboard a chosen people, whom 
the loftiest virtues, the profoundest experience, and 
the most heroic spirit, fitted to lay, in pain and toil 
and sacrifices and the agonies which come to the man- 
liest and noblest souls, the foundations upon which 
their children after them, in many generations, should 
rear the superstructure of a mighty republic. 

They were prescient of the future, and suffered and 
died in the triumphs of a faith which was the " evi- 
dence of things not seen," and yet they did not fully 
comprehend the nature and responsibilities of the 
great work in which they were engaged. They 
claimed the right of personal liberty, and were ready 
to die for it, but they did not clearly understand that 
it could be permanently secured only by independent 
self-government. 

The Plymouth emigrants, warned by a factious 
spirit manifested by some rude adventurers who had 
crept in among them, realized the dream of philoso- 
phers by entering into an original social compact 



21 

before disembarking; and yet they did not realize 
fully that governments derive all their just powers 
from the consent of the governed, and that the 
people may alter, abolish, and establish new govern- 
ments to secure their rights. One of the magistrates 
of the colony declared, when the freemen demanded 
that assistants should be " chosen anew every year," 
that " the bigotry " of Laud and " the tyranny " of 
a Stuart were preferable to a popular government * 
" Democracy I do not conceive that ever God did 
ordain," wrote John Cotton, "as a fit government or 
commonwealth. As for monarchy and aristocracy, 
they are both of them clearly approved and directed 
in the Scriptures." f 

These men had not been long enough in the school 
of Providence to unlearn the lessons of a lifetime. 
They had surrendered affluence and ease at home, — 
had turned from friends and father-land with many 
tears to a voluntary exile of toil and suffering, to 
establish the freedom of their faith, to secure wealth, 
liberty, and a home to their children after them, and 
to give an empire to the crown of England; but 
they did not apprehend that they were the elect of 
many generations, produced in the fulness of time, 
and prepared by the discipline of sorrow, to lay 
the foundations of an independent republic on a 
continent reserved and revealed for this very pur- 
pose. 

* Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth. 

t Letter to Lord Say and Seal in Hutchinson. 



22 



It was on the threshing-floor of the wilderness, and 
in the wintry winds of six generations, that the un- 
mixed seed of hberty, in Church and State, was to be 
separated from the chaff of European governmental 
philosophy. If they were tenacious of social and 
civil prerogatives, if they were stern and exclusive in 
church discipline, it resulted from the narrowness of 
the times, and was rather their misfortune than their 
fault. If bitter persecution had given to their faith a 
shade of gloomy intolerance, what a grand and sol- 
emn massiveness and solidity of character it im- 
parted ! how it prepared them " to hope all things 
and endure all things " in the far-reaching enterprise 
upon which they had entered ! how it centralized 
and intensified the forces of their being, and organ- 
ized and elevated every thing that it touched ! 

The freemen of the colonies, who had sprung from 
the unprivileged classes of Europe, untainted by 
prejudice, never faltered, never tripped in the path 
of empire which they trod with an unwavering faith 
and an undaunted courage. They were of the order 
of God's nobility, and the men who fought and fell at 
Yorktown and at Gettysburg had their blood in their 
veins. 

That God whose offspring men are, and who " hath 
determined the times before appointed, and the bounds 
of their habitation," knowing that human instrumen- 
talities were impotent against the arts and power of 
the moss-grown despotisms of the old world, and that 
the principles and polity essential to the successful 



23 

establishment, vigorous administration, and enduring 
strength of an extended representative government, 
could never be learned in the school of absolutism, 
preserved here, for the reception of a chosen seed, a 
continent of unparalleled resources and unexhausted 
wealth. Here, sequestered from arbitrary force and 
the influence of false theories, they passed a century 
and a half of necessary and profitable pupilage. The 
savage at first supplied their wants, when famine 
Avould have swept off" the infant colony, and then, 
by incessant war, taught them a vigilance and self- 
reliance which baffled the disciplined forces that would 
have wrested from them the inherited rights of Brit- 
ish subjects. The want and hardship of the wilder- 
ness gave them force and resource of character. The 
unjust exactions and insidious mvasions of prescrip- 
tive rights by Parliament, the neglect and insolence 
of the ofilcers of the king, weaned their afl"ections 
and loosened their loyalty to the home government. 
The organization and discipline of their church, their 
colonial legislation, and the administration of munici- 
pal and provincial aff'airs, discovered to them the 
nature and value of liberty. And so, in the sixth 
generation, the founders of the colonies, in the per- 
sons of Sherman, Adams, Morris, Jeff"erson, Madison, 
Washington, and their great compeers, came to the 
Declaration, the war, and the organization of inde- 
pendence. The men of that day need no eulogy 
from their children ; their record is in the memory of 
mankind ; the story of their lives is too familiar to be 
rehearsed. 



24 



The declaration of independence ; the formal con- 
federation of States, already leagued, and in their unity 
exercising the functions of national sovereignty wrested 
from England by a revolutionary power ; the seven 
years of disaster and defeat, eventuating in victory 
and freedom ; the utter failure of the confederation, 
and consequent ruin to the industry and credit of the 
country; the reconstruction of the constitution by 
the convention of 1787, and its subsequent adoption 
by the people of the States, — these and other mo- 
mentous issues, which moulded the institutions and 
determined the destiny of a great people, — which ex- 
erted a large and permanent influence upon the polit- 
ical history and civilization of the future of the world, 
— ^ crowded into the brief period of a little more than 
a decade. But the influence of those infant years of 
the republic who can tell 1 Who can measure the 
responsibilities of the patriot founders of our govern- 
ment to the millions of their posterity here, and to 
that wider posterity who shall enter into their labors 
in other lands ? No conclave or council mentioned in 
civil history has been perplexed with more original, 
difficult, and weighty problems than the convention 
of 1787. None ever better comprehended its respon- 
sibilities, or met them with a broader reach of under- 
standing, a more religious fidelity. 

The natural rights of man, abstractly considered, 
were clearly defined in the writings of such men as 
Locke, Sydney, and Montesquieu ; but there were no 
existing constitutions of government from which they 



25 



could learn how properly to distribute and vest the 
original sovereignty of the people, and yet upon this 
rested the success and permanence of their work. 
All the teachings of a hundred and fifty years of colo- 
nial life, and all the sacrifices and suff'erings of the 
war, would be lost if their wisdom and sagacity should 
fail in the reconstruction of the government. The 
English constitution, though far from being a model, 
was frequently referred to for parallels or contrasts in 
their great work. But this embraced three estates, — 
the Sovereign, the Lords, and the Commons ; and 
the rights and privileges which it secured to the 
people, though large, were such only as they had 
been able to extort from the Crown in the bitter 
struggles of more than a thousand years, and any 
amendment of the fundamental law by which their 
liberties might be enlarged must be made by further 
violent encroachments upon the royal prerogatives. 

There is yet a fourth estate, — the large producing 
substratum of the population, — whom the constitution 
of Great Britain cruelly excludes from all participa- 
tion in the government, and who, though theoretically 
entitled to the protection of laws which they are al- 
lowed no voice in enacting, are practically deprived of 
this advantage by an enforced poverty. And, to obvi- 
ate the wreck and destruction which might naturally 
be anticipated from this great magazine of explosive 
human forces criminally placed beneath the super- 
structure 'of society, when the train may be fired by 

4 



26 



unavoidable want and misery, it is guarded by an 
expensive and arrogant drove of military drones. 

The suicidal policy is perpetuated, too, by keeping 
this excluded caste in a state of precautionary ignor- 
ance, and by stealing the sweat of thek brows to feed 
their watchdogs. 

But the convention of the new-born republic re- 
ceived, as a first truth, the principle which had been 
settled by the Revolution, that all political rights and 
power reside originally in the people, and must be 
distributed, so far as given up, between the legislative, 
judicial, and executive branches of government, exclu- 
sively for the popular good. 

Starting from that point, they vested the supreme 
authority, executive and legislative, in the people, to 
be exercised only by representatives chosen by and 
responsible to themselves. They excluded the esta- 
blishment of governmental and class monopolies, 
and provided for the freedom of industry in all its 
branches. They for ever barred the possibility of priv- 
ileged orders, and all laws of entail and primogeniture. 
They guarded against the abuse of official power by 
requiring its frequent and stated return to its source. 
They consulted the interests of liberty and humanity 
by connecting the sympathies of the highest tribunal 
of justice with popular rights. They gave to the 
people an assurance, in the guarantee of a republican 
form of State governments, that no independent power 
should arise in the future to interfere or tamper with 
laws made for the protection of theh persons and 



27 



property. They anticipated internal dissensions and 
revolutions by providing for amendments to the or- 
ganic law^ to meet the growth of public intelligence 
and the changed conditions of society. All this, and 
more, they added to the great inheritance of English 
liberties and common law. 

The tests of ninety years have proved thek work 
well and faithfully done. They have been gath- 
ered to the fathers, but their monument is washed 
by lake and gulf, by sea and sea, and rises through 
the generations of thek children, — 

" And so sepulchred, in such pomp do lie, 
That kings, for such a tomb, would wish to die." 

It may be a sad but profitable reflection, that the 
one great marplot in our national history; the fiend 
of mischief and discord that for eighty years put a 
break upon the industrial prosperity and growth of 
power in the republic ; which threw apples of discord 
into deliberative assemblies and religious conventions, 
and, at last, slew, as of old, even the first-born, until 
" there was not a house where there was not one 
dead," — sprung from the sufferance of a political 
wrong which the fathers believed to be a demand of 
prudence and patriotism. The principles underlying 
the Revolution and the Confederation demanded that 
the constitutional convention should abolish slavery; 
but an anxious desire to unite all the States which 
had stood together through the war, in the adoption of 
the new constitution, beguiled them into the beUef 



28 



that a wise statesmanship demanded the surrender 
of justice for the attainment of a present good. Could 
their eyes have been opened to look down the vista 
of a hundred years, and see this dark genius of bar- 
barism, now " fiercer by despair," sweeping away the 
accumulated wealth of generations, and, in a war of 
unparalleled violence and destructiveness, slaying half 
a million of men, the most intelligent who have ever 
fallen in battle, they would have discovered that the 
teachings of political justice are a safer guide than 
the dictates of expediency. For them to have left 
South Carolina and Georgia out of the Union, nay, to 
have sunk them in the depths of the sea, would have 
been far better for the nation than to have done that 
great wrong. 

But the end is not yet. We, too, have work to 
do ; for the foundations of the republic are not yet 
completed. "We cannot escape the responsibility of 
those who build for posterity. The great architects 
of our system reared the framework, and other gener- 
ations have labored faithfully and successfully upon 
it. The star-lit flag which symbolizes its existence, 
more beautiful than the pearly gates of morning 
closed with bars of crimson, has been unfurled over 
fleet and camp and court, but the broad substructure 
of this great nation cannot be settled firmly and com- 
pactly in its bed in a hundred years. 

" I am a long time painting," says an old Greek 
artist; "for I paint for a long time." This is the 
laconic language of a universal truth. Whatever is 



29 



destined long to survive comes slowly to maturity. 
The primeval forests of cedar and oak, whose giant 
strength has resisted the forces of decay through half 
the lifetime of man, slowly lifted their gnarled and 
massive forms through centuries of growth. The 
earth's deep plating was laid, stratum above stratum, 
through the lapse of the silent, unchronicled ages ; 
for it was to be the theatre of man's historic career. 
While the old cathedrals of Europe have risen slowly 
to their grand and solemn beauty, kings, their found- 
ers, have mouldered back to dust within their vaults, 
and the names of their architects have perished from 
memory. Succeeding generations have added a tower, 
a stained window, or a jewelled altar, and lain down 
to rest beneath their shadow, and the work still 
lingers ; but there they stand, firm as the hills, per- 
petuating in histories of stone the moral life and 
intellectual growth of the world through many of its 
most eventful centuries. These are but types of 

national life. 

« 

From the foundations of Rome, eip-ht centuries, 
crowded with the reverses and triumphG of a heroic 
people, had passed into history, ere she became the 
mistrecs of the world. 

The republic* cf Venice, too, v/hich at first fled 
from Rome's insatiable lust of power, and hid herself 
in the islands of the sea, dropping her bridal ring 
into the Adriatic, while the white-haired Doge pro- 
nounced the " Desponsamus te, mare, in signum veri 
perpetuique dominii," wedded the waves to her sweep 



30 



of power through thirteen hundred years of free- 
dom: — 

" The spouseless Adriatic mourns her lord 5 

And, annual naai'riage now no more renewed, 
The Bucentaur lies rotting unrestored, 
Neglected garment of her widowhood." 

The records of France, of Spain, and of other of 
the existing transatlantic States, may be traced up- 
ward for thousands of years to the dim beginnings of 
European civiHzation. 

In history, where results are to be reached through 
the slow-moving but irresistible tides of public opinion, 
time must be reckoned, not by years, but by ages. 
Centuries are required for maturing the fruits of 
national life, that they may be used as the seeds of a 
more advanced civilization. 

We cannot reasonably expect our government to 
be an exception in this divine economy of nations. 
If we are soon to perish, why were we given a hun- 
dred and fifty years of pupilage ] Why led through 
a seven years' war into governmental independence 1 
Why were the wisest of statesmen brought together 
to organize civil institutions based upon the liberty 
and political equality of men, and inspired to plant 
free schools and free churches, if we as a people are 
to be cut off in our childhood ? Why this palpable 
interposition of the divine hand in every period of 
peace and war? Have the principles of civil liberty 
answered their design, and lost their vitality 1 Have 
the American people reached the limit of their capa- 
city, and exhausted their energy and enterprise ? Let 



31 



the farmer, who floods the markets of the world 
with the products of his toil ; let the cunning arti- 
ficer, the noise of whose industry never dies in our 
land ; let the merchant, whose white-winged messen- 
gers of trade are on every sea ; let the sailor, whose 
fleets have battered down the strong defences of 
cities, and penetrated to the inland fastnesses of trea- 
son ; let the soldier, who has saved liberty and civil- 
ization on fields more bloody and glorious than jCressy 
or Waterloo, whose heroic valor and Christian for- 
titude have perpetuated to after-ages the inheritance 
of the fathers, as he now stands modestly in his 
robes of peace at his daily toil, Avith his virtues and 
his sensibilities all untouched, — answer these inter- 
rogatories. 

Already have the American people proved, con- 
trary to the predictions of speculative statesmen, that 
a purely republican form of self-government can be 
founded and maintained in a country of vast extent, 
and peopled by millions of inhabitants. It remains 
to us to develop this plan in the spirit of its found- 
ers ; to build up and perpetuate here a system of 
institutions and society upon the postulates laid down 
in our declarations of right and independence. 

"In the great frame of kingdoms and common- 
wealths, it is in the power of princes or estates," says 
Lord Bacon, " to add amplitude and greatness to their 
kingdoms. For, by introducing such ordinances, con- 
stitutions, and customs as are wise, they may sow 
greatness to their posterity and successors." In that 



32 



hope we labor. If to-morrow we die, we may eat, 
drink, and be merry, — giving ourselves no concern 
about the character of society or the issue of great 
public events ; but, if the nation is to live in our pos- 
terity, we must remember " the evil that men do lives 
after them," and strive to purge our institutions from 
every admixture of arbitrary power or injustice, that 
they may be transmitted pure and simple in their mas- 
sive beauty, so that not only our children may be glad 
as they enter into our labors, but that the down- 
trodden and despairing of other lands and other times 
may see that liberty is possible, and worth dying for. 

As the seed comes to the golden sheaves of harvest 
by the constant care and toil of the husbandman ; so 
the rich fruitage of life is secured by forethought, 
attention, and assiduous labor. The adoption of a 
free constitution and the enactment of equitable laws 
will not build up an enduring fabric of government, 
or make a virtuous community : the people must give 
themselves to study, to self-restraint, and the practice 
of righteousness between man and man ; must search 
for that wisdom which comes from the exi^erience of 
the past, and yield a supreme love and obedience to 
justice and truth. There is no safety to a nation in 
the path of wrong-doing. Our fathers proclaimed, in 
justification of their declaration of independence, that 
all men are entitled to freedom ; but they practically 
proclaimed it a cheat and a lie by continuing the 
bondage of an enslaved people. God held the nation 
to its declaration, and to the vindication of its constitu- 



33 

tion. We have poured out the gathered treasures of 
three generations like water, and have sacrificed 
three hundred thousand of our bravest and best to 
pay the penalty of that primal infidelity to principle. 
We assumed also that there was but one estate, and 
that ''all men are created equal'' before the law. 
It remains to be seen whether this generation will 
be true to that first truth of its organic law or not. 
If we depart from fundamental principles of the con- 
stitution from a motive of mistaken prudence and 
patriotism, we may throw upon our children the price 
of our exemption from a fancied ill. God grant that 
they may not be called upon to pay in blood the pen- 
alty of our unmanly surrender of a great opportunity ! 
We are now perplexed and puzzled because the appli- 
cation of the principle seems to require of us what 
public safety denies. If our injustice first made him 
ignorant and debased whom God has now made free, 
shall we attempt to remedy the evil by limiting God's 
justice or by correcting our own wrong ? AVhich does 
the wisdom of experience pronounce to be the part of 
prudence, — to give to the ignorant freedmen the in- 
centives to knowledge and good citizenship, or to 
make them a class by themselves, without the pri-^d- 
leges or responsibilities of citizens, whose wrongs will 
aggravate the very danger we so much dread ? 

We cannot justify a system of class restriction, on 
the plea that females and minors are deprived of the 
right of suffrage ; for the sex and condition of woman 
makes hers a diff'erent case, while the right is only 



34 



delayed to the minor, and made sure on the sole con- 
dition of his majority. 

I do not here propound or discuss the method by 
which the condition of the freedmen is to be disposed 
of : I only contend that the policy of the Government 
in this matter shall be uniform and homogeneous, and 
in accordance with the principles which underlie our 
whole system, and which must be appealed to in revo- 
lutionary times. We may sacrifice, as in the past, if 
we will, justice, to appease sectional prejudice, and to 
ease off a present danger ; but, if we do, we shall 
only help to verify the fearful prediction of Macaulay, 
that, at some distant day, hungry millions of the ab- 
ject and the depraved will rise, and sack our fair and 
rich inheritance with more than fiendish hate and 
Vandal fury. " Righteousness exalte th a nation, but 
sin is a reproach to any people." 

We stand to-day on the spot where the footsteps of 
Popham and his loyal " landmen " first pressed the 
continent two hundred and fifty years ago. The pain- 
ful but glorious record of those troubled centuries 
out-rolls to our vision, through the soft and sombre 
light of the past, revealing a few feeble settlers slowly 
lifting themselves from the humility of colonial sub- 
ordination to the proud pre-eminence of self-govern- 
ment. From out the fruitless and pathless wilderness 
rises the republic, full of the wealth, the arts, and the 
institutions of an • industrious Christian population. 
Its shores are lined with the opulent marts and bur- 
dened fleets of commerce, and its fruitful fields dotted 



35 

with the palaces of its untitled rulers. The beauty 
and virtue of its daughters are equalled only by the 
intelligence and enterprise of its sons. Twice, in glo- 
rious and just war, it has hurled back its hereditary 
foe discomfited and defeated. Since first you met to 
commemorate, by annual services and grateful remem- 
brances, the settlement of 1607 upon these sandy in- 
lets and rocky headlands, it has crushed the organized 
treason of millions of the slave-corrupted sons of noble 
sires in a colossal war, and to-day its industries, its 
charities, its liberties, and its intelligent population, 
are the grand memorials of its heroic dead. 

How feeble is the loftiest conception of the genius 
of art, compared with this picture drawn by the hand 
of Providence on the canvass of history ! There upon 
the shore stand the fii'st settlers, homeless, houseless, 
heart-sick, and weary, in a world alone. Thence com- 
mences the long march of centuries, through cold and 
hunger, toil and sickness, war and despair. The way 
opens before them into fruitful fields, where peace and 
prosperity wait upon toil and enterprise as they move. 
Onward still press the gathering throng, and, as 
they come, we catch the songs of hberty and the 
shouts of victory; nor, widening as they move, rest 
they day or night, till here they stand in this broadest, 
freest, richest, goodliest inheritance of men, and this 
is all our own. Those untitled exiles upon the shore 
were our ancestors ; and, thank God, we are their 
children. So may we improve these liberties, this 
civilization, this faith, that our children may turn 
back to bless us when we sleep with our fathers ! 



APPENDIX. 



At the conclusion of the Address, a vote of thanks to Pro- 
fessor Patterson was proposed by Rev. Dr. Ballard, seconded 
bj Oliver Moses, Esq., of Bath, and unanimously adopted ; 
and a copy of his oration requested for publication by the 
committee. 

A resolution was adopted, that the committee of last 
year be re-appointed, with authority to fill vacancies and 
add to their number. 

From the various interesting letters received by the 
committee, in reply to invitations to take part in this year's 
celebration, the following is thought worthy of preserva- 
tion : — 

Boston, Aug. 27, 1865. 
My deab Sir, — Your invitation to be present at the Popham 
Celebration is at hand. The short notice will prevent me from 
being present to take part in the interesting ceremonies. With- 
out assenting to all the claims made in your "Popham Memorial" 
volume, allow me to say, that I think those who have spoken or 
written on that subject have overlooked one of the most important 
results of that enterprise. In this practical age, we must look to 
what was really effected by the earliest colonists on these shores. 
Let us briefly try that at Sagadahoc by this test ; for, in my opin- 
ion, their works were far more important than the formal acts 
recorded. They certainly erected houses, a church, a fort ; and, 
lastly, a vessel, the dimensions of which are unknown, but fit to 
cross the ocean. Now we know, that, in a forest, it is not a diffi- 



38 



cult thing to build log-houses, or a church and a fort in the same 
way ; but to construct a sea-going vessel is quite a different affair. 
This requires artisans who are used to such work ; and there can 
be no doubt, that, among the colonists, there were found a master- 
builder,* with the necessary journeymen and sawyers (for there 
were no mills), a smith, and also several laborers ; for the building 
of a vessel in a remote wilderness would then require three times the 
amount of manual labor that would now effect the same result, — 
in these days when materials are so easily prepared, transported, 
and fitted, by the aid of machinery. 

Looking, then, at what was certainly done by the Popham 
colony, we must allow, that, during the short period they occupied 
the rugged peninsnla of Sabino, and making due allowance for a 
hard winter, the destruction of their store-house, and the sickness 
that followed, they deserve credit for enterprise and industry in 
constructing a vessel fit to encounter the storms of the Atlantic, 
and make a safe voyage to England. There she must have 
attracted much attention, being the pioneer ship built in North 
America. When, therefore, we consider the value of Popham's 
enterprise, the building and voyage of the "Virginia of Sagada- 
hoc " is one of its most important results. It was not equalled by 
the Plymouth colony in the first ten years of its existence ; and it 
was not till the third year of the existence of its powerful neighbor 
of "Massachusetts Bay," that a ship, fit to cross the ocean, was 
constructed.! 

Wishing you a pleasant day and a numerous company, I am, 

Yours truly, Frederic Kidder. 

To Rev. Edward Ballard, Secretary, S^-c. 



* Strachey says, " the chief shipwright was one Digby, of London." He 
also speaks of "the cai'penters." — Ch. x. 

t According to " Holmes's Annals," a ship of sixty tons was built at Med- 
ford in 1633. " The Blessing of the Bay " was built in 1G31 ; but slie was a 
mere shallop, without a deck, and tit only to keep along the shore. 



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